An editorial in the Cyprus Mail says that the
depression we are in, according to the most optimistic forecasts, is set to
continue for at least another year and half. No light can be seen at the end of
the tunnel, with capital controls set to stay for the foreseeable future,
credit remaining unobtainable and unemployment continuing its upward path.
There is just nothing to offer a glimmer of hope. Even talk about the future
prospects of natural gas and the government’s determined efforts to proceed
with the establishment of a gas liquefaction terminal have failed to lift the
general gloom as the benefits from these to the economy are many years away.
As things are, there seems to be only one development
that could possibly restore some hope, boost business confidence and attract
foreign investment – a settlement of the Cyprus problem. A major breakthrough
like this would not only change the economic climate, it would create big
opportunities for investment, encourage joint ventures and create the
conditions for the recovery we all crave. This is based on the assumption that
Turkey wants a deal while the majority on both sides would support it and would
want it to work.
On the Greek Cypriot side, the mere mention of a peace
initiative inspires the trademark negative reactions by politicians and journalists,
who seem to have made it their mission to prevent an agreement which, they are
convinced, would be unfair and unjust. But it would be wrong to assume that a
tiny clique of opinion formers, accustomed to repeating the same tune for
decades, somehow represent the majority’s view. In 2004, many rejected the
Annan plan, because they felt it went against their financial interests. They
could be swayed now, if they realise that a settlement would benefit them
financially or at least not harm their personal interests.
To persuade people of the value of a settlement would
require hard work and a communications strategy by the government, but
President Anastasiades has chosen to take small steps, in the hope these would
not encounter too much opposition. His suggestion for the return of Varosha, as
a confidence-building measure, is part of this policy, but it would not have
the same benefits as a settlement, which, if anything, it would delay. Even in
the very unlikely event that the fenced part of the town were returned, people
would not automatically return and re-build their homes nor would many people
be prepared to invest in the town, without having the security that would be
provided by a comprehensive settlement.
That is why the resumption of talks should be treated
as a priority and anything that could delay it, like the negotiation of
confidence-building measures, should be avoided. For once, there are obvious
practical benefits (including compensation for properties) to be had by the
population from a speedily negotiated deal. There would be those who would
argue that principles and history were more important than transient practical
benefits and self-interest, but it would be up to the government to sell its
pragmatic vision.
The paper concludes by asking whether we want to seize
the opportunity for an earlier exit from the recession and create real growth
prospects for the economy. The alternative, it adds, of carrying on with the
resistance rhetoric and the patriotic ‘nos’ to a settlement, now carries a high
economic cost which it never had in the past. Opposition to a settlement today
is tantamount to blocking the only hope of an exit from the depression that has
brought the country to its knees.
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