The leaders of the two communities,
Anastasiades and Eroglu will be meeting this morning in what Politis newspaper
describes as a ‘crucial’ meeting as regards the course of the talks.
They are expected to discuss issues related
to the negotiating process and confidence building measures.
According to the Cyprus Government
Spokesman, the aim of the meeting is to overcome the difficulties that have
come up at this phase and for there to be positive outcomes before the summer
break.
The current agenda of the talks was
finalized yesterday at a meeting between the two negotiators, Mavrogianni and
Ozersay, and the UN Special Representative in Cyprus, Lisa Buttenheim.
The two leaders will also be paying a visit
to the laboratory investigating cases of missing persons.
Mavrogiannis and Ozersay discussed economic
issues, security and guarantees, the relationship between the federal
government and the federal states and the relation between independent and
federal government officials. The spokesman told Cyprus News Agency that the
two sides submitted documents on aspects of the Cyprus problem that had not yet
been submitted.
According to Kathimerini newspaper of
Cyprus, in statements after the meeting, Kudret Ozersai said that the Turkish
Cypriot side had submitted a document on territorial adjustments, without
submitting maps or quotas. He said they had agreed to discuss maps and quotas
at the final stage of the talks and that the document they submitted took that
into account.
He also said that they didn’t view the
Greek Cypriot proposal on a system of security and guarantees coming from the
Security Council as realistic, nor did he think that the Greek Cypriot side
themselves truly believed in it.
He said that the two sides had honoured
their commitment to submit proposals on all issues.
He said that Anastasiades and Eroglu will
be discussing the second phase of the talks, but that they would also have to
take decisions on the third phase, something the negotiators had also discussed.
He said the aim of the leaders’ visit to
the missing persons committee laboratory was to appeal to all who have
information on missing persons to come forward.
Living with the fait accompli we so vehemently decry
In an editorial on the 40th anniversary of
the Turkish invasion, the Cyprus Mail says that for almost three-quarters of
its existence as a sovereign state, the Republic has had more than a third of its
territory occupied by Turkey.
It says that a sizable proportion of the
population has never known Cyprus without a dividing line and for whom the
official slogan – ‘I don’t forget’ – is meaningless as they have no memories of
the north. In another 10 years, reminiscing about Kyrenia or the Karpas will be
an old age pensioner’s pastime.
Our politicians may still be talking about
their desire for a settlement and condemning Turkish intransigence as
preventing reunification in 10 years time but nobody will be listening.
The Cyprus problem industry, which has made
many political careers, cannot last forever. Its best days are in the past and
its peak – the 2004 referendum hysteria – was 10 years ago. It has been in
decline ever since as a vote-winner and career-maker. People are not just fed
up of listening to the same old nonsense from dishonest politicians they no
longer care.
The reality is that, despite the rhetoric,
the overwhelming majority of people seem comfortable with the status quo and
have accepted the division as part of their life; we suspect the Turkish
Cypriots think the same way. Why would people want reunification when the four
decades of separation offered uninterrupted peace and security, in stark
contrast to the period before 1974 which was plagued by intercommunal fighting
and bloodshed?
This is the thinking behind our
politicians’ fiery rhetoric about a settlement being fair, just, viable,
workable, respecting all human rights etc. They know they are in no position to
achieve this utopia, but they keep banging on about it, because they are afraid
to say that permanent partition is, for them, the best of all options. They are
happy to achieve it through their childish, patriotic stance that rejects every
compromise proposal for the chimera of the perfect settlement.
Partition has another big benefit for our
political establishment – it ensures against the anathema of power-sharing.
Greek Cypriot politicians do not want to share the spoils of power they have
been enjoying for decades with Turkish Cypriots and operate in a system that
would impose unprecedented checks and balances on them.
It is no coincidence that the last two
presidents, both supposedly pro-settlement, in practice, have not been too
committed to achieving a deal because they do not want to surrender their power
or have it curtailed by a new constitution.
In 40 years of division the only major
change that has taken place in relations between the two sides has been the
opening of the checkpoints in 2003 by the Turkish Cypriot leadership. In the 11
years since there has been no violence or any major incident and many thousands
of people now visit the other side routinely, without fear. This showed that
the two communities could live peacefully as good neighbours, but it is also an
indication that this might be as far as they are prepared to go.
There would be many, big opportunities for
a settlement that did away with the dividing line and reunited the island but
nobody is prepared to make the big leap of faith because partition seems to
suit both sides, not only the Turkish Cypriots.
Despite the brave and defiant words about
never accepting the fait accompli of the invasion, the Greek Cypriot
politicians have done exactly that as the facts of the last 40 years show, and
not many people have been protesting.
After all, the objective is no longer
reunification but the preservation of the Cyprus Republic, even if the cost is
to surrender 37 per cent of its territory to Turkey.
The inane ramblings of our political parties
The Cyprus Mail in an editorial refers to
the government’s plan to introduce the teaching about federation to the
secondary school curriculum on political systems.
The paper says certain parties issued
statements slamming the plan. While Education Minister Costas Kadis spoke said
in a radio interview that the ministry wanted to broaden the curriculum so that
students were made aware of the political systems used in different countries,
and that these lessons would have nothing to do with the Cyprus issue, this did
not reassure the parties.
They smelt a rat, the paper says. Within a few
hours, DIKO released a statement saying it would table the matter for
discussion at House education committee and demand to know about the content of
the lesson and the “government’s real intentions”. The Greens were convinced
the subject would “be more of a propaganda lesson,” doubting the government
wanted to promote “pluralist thinking”. EDEK was concerned over what type of
federation the schoolchildren would be taught, while the terrified Alliance of
Citizens reckoned that a lesson on federation “would create students who were
ready – instead of defending human rights and the freedom of their country – to
negotiate the conditions of their subjugation.”
The paper concludes by saying that perhaps
our morally superior politicians who know everything should stop and consider
for once what kind of citizens this childish type of public debate creates. And
then they wonder why a very big proportion of the population is completely
disinterested in politics. How could any person with a modicum of intelligence
take this type of political debate seriously? People can only laugh at the
daily political utterances of the parties, if they can be bothered to pay any
attention to them at all.
4. Tsielepis: rejection of bizonal federation would mean de facto
partition
In an interview in Phileleftheros,
constitutional expert and member of the negotiating team, Toumazos Tsielepis,
says that rejection of bizonal federation means de facto partition.
He says even though it’s 40 years since the
invasion, we are still arguing amongst ourselves what this bizonal bicommunal
federation means and we all have different interpretations. For example, when
we talk about federation we mean that there will be two levels of authority –
the central authority and the regional ones. We mean that there will be a split
of competencies. When we talk of bizonality, we mean what was contained in the
Makarios-Denktash high level agreements, namely that there will be two regions
and that each region will be governed by its respective community. When we talk
of bicommunality, we mean that there will be effective participation of the two
communities in decision-making processes.
However, he goes on, whenever we submit
proposals along these lines a racist, apartheitist clamour arises to such an
extent that it seems that the disagreement is not really because of different
interpretations of the same thing, but a deliberate rejection of this type of
solution.
The only possible outcome of the rejection
of this type of solution, is partition, he says, which is the most unacceptable
situation that could exist.
He said that the reason why the Cyprus
problem hasn’t been solved all these years is because of Turkish intransigence,
but that didn’t mean that nothing depends on us. We must undertake the
responsibility that is ours and to try and overcome this intransigence. He said
Turkey may pay lip service to federation, but the content of the proposals that
are submitted smacks of confederation. If the problem hasn’t been solved it’s
because Turkey hasn’t respected what was agreed, so our job is to expose this.
He emphasised that it was wrong of
Anastasiades not to continue the talks from where they had left off under
Christofias. We had got far with Talat, and then Eroglu came along and
destroyed all the substantial convergences we had reached. We have always been
saying that what we achieved with Talat would have been impossible to achieve
with Eroglu. That’s why the talks should have continued where they left off, he
concluded.
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